Islam in Vietnam: Rise, Future, & Muslim Challenges New

Islam in Vietnam: A Journey of Faith, Resilience, and Hope

Islam maintains a distinct, albeit small, presence in Vietnam, constituting less than 0.2% of the total population, a statistic that often surprises many.¹ This highlights its unique status in a nation predominantly shaped by folk religions and Buddhism. Historically and predominantly, Islam in Vietnam has been associated with the Cham people, an Austronesian ethnic minority group.¹ Their history is deeply intertwined with the faith’s establishment in the region. However, it is important to recognize that roughly one-third of Muslims in Vietnam belong to other ethnic groups, including Khmer, Malay, Minang, Viet, Chinese, and Arab origins, particularly in the southern regions around Châu Đốc or Ho Chi Minh City.¹ This demonstrates a growing diversity beyond the traditional Cham association. The initial perception of Islam being solely tied to the Cham people is an oversimplification. The presence of non-Cham Muslims, representing a substantial portion of the total, indicates a broader, more diverse, and evolving Islamic landscape in Vietnam, influenced by historical migrations and contemporary conversions. This challenges a monolithic view and suggests a dynamic religious identity.

This article will offer a comprehensive exploration of Islam’s journey in Vietnam, from its initial introduction and historical evolution within the Champa Kingdom to the distinct practices of its contemporary communities. It will delve into the multifaceted challenges faced by Vietnamese Muslims and examine the emerging opportunities that shape their future.

The Historical Tapestry: Tracing Islam’s Rise in Vietnam

The historical roots of Islam in Vietnam are deep and complex, marked by centuries of interaction, migration, and adaptation. The faith’s introduction was not a singular event but a prolonged process influenced by various regional and global factors.

Early Contacts

The earliest accounts suggest Islam was introduced to the Chăm community as early as the 9th century, with Arab Muslim traders making stops at the ports of the Champa Kingdom.¹ Some researchers pinpoint the 11th century as the initial period of introduction, though other opinions suggest it could have been one to two centuries later.² Chinese Song Dynasty-era documents corroborate this early presence, recording that the Cham began converting to Islam in the late 10th and early 11th centuries.¹ Further evidence of early Muslim presence comes from Sufi inscriptions found in Phanrang (Panduranga), dating from 1035-1039 AD, indicating that Muslims, notably Shiites (Parsi/Iranian Muslims), had settled in Champa by the mid-10th century.⁵ The arrival of Muslim Turks and Persians during the Mongol invasions also contributed to the faith’s spread in the region.¹ Interestingly, Luqin (modern-day Hanoi) was home to one of the largest Muslim communities in Vietnam when it was under Tang China’s rule, showcasing an early presence beyond the Cham heartland.³

The Champa Kingdom and Gradual Conversion

The Cham people, an Austronesian ethnic minority, have a rich history deeply intertwined with the former Champa Kingdom in central Vietnam.¹ This kingdom was initially Hindu-Buddhist, heavily influenced by Indianization.⁶ While early contacts introduced Islam, mass conversion among the Cham plausibly occurred after the pivotal fall of Vijaya, the Cham capital, in 1471.¹ This event triggered a significant diaspora of the Cham people.¹

A compelling theory posits that Islam arrived in Champa through a later, more indirect route from the Malays after 1471.¹ Many Cham merchants, warriors, and refugees adopted Islamic faiths from their Malay counterparts through peaceful interactions in Southeast Asia, then returned to their homeland to preach the newfound faith by the 1500s.¹ This Malay influence was significantly reinforced by the Cham’s proximity to the Malay world and the rise of global trade during the Age of Exploration.¹ The fall of the Champa Kingdom in 1471 and subsequent diaspora acted as a significant catalyst for the mass conversion of Cham people to Islam, particularly through interaction with Malay communities. This indicates that political upheaval and displacement, rather than solely peaceful trade, played a crucial role in shaping the religious identity of the Cham. The loss of their kingdom and subsequent displacement pushed the Cham to seek new forms of identity and solidarity. Islam, particularly through its strong networks with the Malay world, provided not just a new faith but also a means of cultural and political differentiation from the encroaching Vietnamese influence. This makes the conversion a profound socio-political event, not just a religious one.

By the 17th century, Champa had transformed into an Islamic sultanate, with a Cham King officially converting and promoting Islam among his people.⁴ However, this period also saw the Vietnamese expansion south, leading to the conquest of Champa and the absorption of the Cham as an ethnic minority, often accompanied by severe persecution of Cham Muslims.⁴ Due to these political changes and the kingdom’s demise, a portion of the Cham fled to Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.² Many adopted Islam during this time of migration.² In the mid-18th century, some of these migrants returned to Vietnam, settling in areas like Châu Đốc (An Giang province) and Tây Ninh, contributing to the formation of new Muslim communities in the South.²

Emergence of Diverse Islamic Traditions

The initial introduction and reception of Islam among the Cham resulted in the formation of the Bà ni religion, characterized by a very strong indigenization of Islam.² This syncretic, localized version of Islam, often described as Shia-influenced, gained dominance in 17th-century Panduranga.¹ Today, the Cham in Vietnam are broadly divided into two main categories based on their religious adherence: the Bani Islam Chams, who practice a heterodox and indigenized version of Islam, and the Chams who follow orthodox or mainstream Sunni Islam.³ The Bani Islam Cham’s unique lifestyle is deeply rooted in their distinct interpretation of Islam, which significantly diverges from orthodox practices.¹¹ The term “Bani” itself, derived from Arabic meaning “child,” is associated with a belief among some Bani Muslims that they are descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, with Shiites having played an early role in spreading Islam in the region.⁵ In contrast, the Orthodox Cham practice a more mainstream form of Islam, largely due to their sustained contacts and intermarriages with the Malay Muslim community.¹⁶

The co-existence and evolution of both syncretic Bani Islam and orthodox Sunni Islam among the Cham reflect a complex interplay of internal cultural preservation and external Islamic influences. This dynamic highlights the adaptive nature of Islam in new cultural contexts, where local traditions often shape religious practice, even as external orthodoxies seek to establish a foothold. This creates a spectrum of Islamic adherence and a continuous negotiation between indigenous identity and universal Islamic tenets. The explicit statement that Bani Islam’s religious laws “have changed significantly to suit the matriarchal society of the Cham people” ¹¹ and the continued presence of Hindu/Animist elements ⁵ suggest a deliberate or organic adaptation, rather than a simple failure to fully convert. This highlights the immense power of deeply ingrained cultural norms to shape adopted religions, making Islam uniquely Cham. This cultural synthesis is so strong that some Bani even prefer the term “Bani” over “Muslim” ⁶, asserting their distinct ethno-religious identity, which is a form of cultural preservation against external pressures.

Table 1: Key Milestones in the History of Islam in Vietnam

A Diverse Community Today: Demographics and Distribution

The Muslim population in Vietnam, though small, exhibits a dynamic demographic and geographical spread, reflecting centuries of historical evolution and ongoing community development.

Current Muslim Population

The most recent official estimates from the U.S. government and Vietnam’s General Committee for Religious Affairs (GCRA) (March 2023, data as of Dec 2021) place the total Muslim population in Vietnam at approximately 80,000.¹² Earlier census data from 2019 reported 70,934 Muslims ³, showing a gradual increase from 63,146 in the 1999 census.³ This indicates a slow but consistent growth. While Islam is primarily associated with the Cham people, a significant portion—roughly one-third—of Muslims in Vietnam are of other ethnic groups, including Khmer, Malay, Minang, Viet, Chinese, and Arab origins.¹ It is important to note that the total Cham population in Vietnam is around 178,948 (2019 census) ⁶, meaning not all Cham are Muslim; a substantial minority follow Hinduism.⁶ The slight increase in the overall Muslim population, despite its minority status, coupled with the ethnic diversity, suggests ongoing, albeit slow, growth and integration of Islam beyond its traditional Cham base. This growth is likely due to factors such as intermarriage, conversion, or return migration, indicating a subtle but persistent expansion of the Muslim presence. The observed population growth is unlikely to be solely from natural increase within the existing Cham communities. The explicit mention of diverse ethnic backgrounds and converts strongly suggests that Islam is attracting new adherents from outside the traditional Cham ethnicity. This points to a dynamic, albeit slow, organic growth and a gradual integration into the broader Vietnamese social fabric, moving beyond the perception of Islam as an exclusively Cham religion.

Geographical Distribution

Vietnamese Muslims are predominantly scattered across 8 cities and 12 provinces, from the Central to the Southern regions.¹ Southern Vietnam holds the largest concentrations, particularly in An Giang province (where many Cham returned after the Champa kingdom’s fall), as well as Đồng Nai, Tây Ninh, Kiên Giang, and Ho Chi Minh City.² Ho Chi Minh City alone accounts for approximately 10,000 Muslim residents, distributed across various districts, and boasts 17 mosques out of the country’s 62.¹ An Giang province has the highest number of mosques in Vietnam, with 12 major and 16 minor mosques.²³ In Central Vietnam, significant Cham Muslim communities, primarily Bani Islam, are found in Ninh Thuận and Bình Thuận provinces.² A smaller community of 200-300 Muslims resides in the capital, Hanoi, which has one mosque (Al-Noor Mosque).³

Bani Islam vs. Orthodox Sunni

According to the latest government statistics (Dec 2021), approximately 60% of Muslims in Vietnam practice Bani Islam, while the remaining 40% adhere to Orthodox Sunni Islam.⁹ The Bani Islam Cham communities are concentrated in the south-central coastal area, specifically Ninh Thuận and Bình Thuận provinces.³ Their population is estimated at around 40,000 members.² The Orthodox Sunni Cham (often referred to as Cham Islam) are primarily found in Southern Vietnam, particularly in An Giang province, Tây Ninh, and Ho Chi Minh City.² In 2006, their population was reported as 25,000.³

Table 2: Muslim Population in Vietnam: Key Statistics (2021-2023)

Faith and Culture: Practices and Traditions of Vietnamese Muslims

The practice of Islam in Vietnam is characterized by a fascinating blend of universal Islamic tenets and deeply ingrained local Cham cultural traditions, resulting in two distinct, yet interconnected, forms of adherence.

Bani Islam: Unique Practices, Clergy System, and Cultural Integration

Bani Islam is recognized as a heterodox, indigenized version of Islam that significantly deviates from orthodox Islamic practices.¹¹ Its formation is attributed to a strong indigenization process ² and an “incomplete Islamization process”.⁵ The persistence of matriarchal practices and Hindu/Animist influences within Bani Islam, despite Islamic tenets often favoring patriarchy and strict monotheism, demonstrates the profound resilience of indigenous Cham culture. This is not merely an “incomplete Islamization” but an active process of cultural synthesis, where the Cham identity fundamentally shapes how Islam is practiced and understood by the Bani, leading to a unique ethno-religious identity.

The Bani belief system often presents as a mixture of Hinduism and Animism, with practices such as performing alms to the earth god during harvest and praying in rocky hills for rain.⁵ The cultural assimilation of Bani Cham with Cham Balamon (Hindu-influenced Cham) is considered a key entry point for Hindu influence.⁵ Even the shape of the Cham king’s tomb in Ninh Thuan resembles a Hindu temple made of red brick.⁵

Bani Islam has blended Islamic traditions with original Cham (Hindu) traditions inherited from their ancestors.⁵ Unlike most Muslims, they generally do not observe the five daily prayers, only performing Friday prayers.⁵ During Ramawan (their equivalent of Ramadan), only priests are required to fast to represent the community, rather than everyone.³ Ramawan is primarily regarded as a training month for new religious priests or a period for making offerings to the dead for Allah and the Saints of Islam.¹¹ Bani mosques (Thang Mögik/magik/masjid) are not open for daily prayers but only on Fridays, during the Ramawan month, and for important Islamic ceremonies.³ The concept of Zakat (charity) is transformed into an “exchange of rice” among the Bani Islam Chams.¹¹ Almost all Bani Islam believers do not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj), as they believe their delegated representatives (Acar) fulfill this duty towards Allah on their behalf.¹¹ While they follow strict monotheism, the term

yang (deities) can refer to Allah, prophets, angels, and saints in their understanding.²⁴ Cham Bani do not accept the worship altar of dead ancestors or deceased parents inside the house, but they do have a remembrance ceremony for ancestors on Gabur Rak day.³ They have developed a distinct Islamic literature, including Cham Bani manuscripts (

tapuk) written in Akhar Bani (a localized Arabic script for Qur’anic prayers), combining Arabic passages with Islamic heroes, prophecies, cosmology, Quranic verses, royal chronicles, and Malay-Cham wordlists.³

The Bani Islam Cham possess a complete religious system with a hierarchical structure of clergy: Acar/Char (newly joined clergy), Madin/Madintan (organize rituals, teach Quran to children), Khotip/Tip (deliver Friday sermon), Imöm/Möm (senior, knowledgeable), and Poâ Gruø (The Witness, who leads the community and resolves religious/social problems).¹¹ It is noted that while Acars memorize the Quran passed down through generations, they often do not understand what the scriptures say due to historical isolation.²⁶ A key difference from orthodox Islam is that ordinary Bani Islam Cham can delegate the task of performing religious rites and practices to their clergy or elders, thereby being relieved of individual obligations.¹¹ The religious laws of Bani Islam have significantly adapted to suit the matriarchal society of the Cham people.¹¹ Matriarchal practices, such as women taking initiative in marriage, couples residing in the wife’s house, and children taking the mother’s family name, still strongly exist in family relations and ancestor worship, even where families have nominally shifted towards patriarchy.⁶

Orthodox Sunni Islam: Adherence to the Five Pillars and Connections with the Wider Muslim World

The Orthodox Sunni Cham primarily adhere to the Shafi’i school of thought, similar to their counterparts in Cambodia, Malaysia, and Indonesia.⁴ They generally adhere to mainstream Sunni Islamic practices, including observing Ramadan, Mawlid (Prophet’s Birthday), Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha, Ashura, and the Islamic New Year.⁶ Orthodox Cham Muslims believe in Allah as the One God and Muhammad as His messenger, pray five times a day, attend the obligatory Friday prayer at the mosque, pay zakat (almsgiving), and perform Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) if they have the means.¹⁴ They send pilgrims to Mecca.¹⁶ Their life and daily activities are guided by the Qur’an and its teachings.²⁶ Decisions in daily life are often made by the

ong kaem (hakim), a local spiritual leader who chairs mosque meetings and resolves disputes.²⁶ This group has adopted Malay customs and family organization, with many speaking Malay, largely due to close contacts and intermarriages with the Malay Muslim community.⁴

The differing levels of orthodoxy between Bani and Sunni Cham Muslims, particularly in their engagement with the wider Islamic world (e.g., Hajj, Malay influence), suggest a socio-religious stratification. This implies that access to external Islamic networks (trade, education, migration) has been a key factor in shaping more orthodox practices, while isolation fostered syncretism, leading to internal distinctions and differing perceptions of “authenticity” within the broader Cham Muslim community. There is a clear correlation: greater and more sustained external contact with the broader Muslim world (especially through Malay traders, Malaysian madrasahs, and the Hajj pilgrimage) directly leads to more orthodox and mainstream Islamic practices among Sunni Cham. Conversely, historical isolation and limited external religious education contributed to the “indigenization” and syncretism observed in Bani Islam. This creates a spectrum of Islamic practice within Vietnam, where “authenticity” or “correctness” might be perceived differently by each group. The Sunni group’s active engagement with global Islam offers a pathway for religious renewal and adherence to universal Islamic tenets, while the Bani group represents a unique, deeply culturally integrated form of Islam. This dynamic can lead to internal tensions or different development trajectories within the Vietnamese Muslim community, as each navigates its relationship with both local traditions and global Islamic norms.

Shared Cultural Heritage

A defining feature of Cham society is its matrilineal tradition. Women often take the initiative in relationships, and after marriage, couples typically reside in the wife’s house. Children are born with their mother’s family name, and the bride’s family is responsible for the wedding ceremony.⁶ This ancestral practice of matriarchy is retained by Cham people despite their adherence to Islam.⁶ Historically, Cham residents were divided into two clans, Cau and Dua, with a traditional caste system similar to ancient Indian society, maintaining distinct residential areas and social separations.²⁷ Cham people traditionally live in houses without an upstairs, with family houses built close to each other in an organized manner, including a guest house, parents’ house, married girls’ house, kitchen, and a custom house for storage and the youngest couple.²⁷ In An Giang province, traditional Cham houses are often high stilt houses, built of wood and adapted to the annual flood season.²³

The Cham people are renowned for their traditional crafts, particularly silk weaving and pottery making. They create pottery by hand and fire it in open-air kilns.¹⁰ Net weaving and brocade weaving are also prominent.¹⁹ Their historical presence in central coastal areas suggests a legacy of skilled boat building and trade.¹⁰ The Cham observe numerous annual agricultural rituals, such as the ceremony to open ditches for dams (“le khai muong dap dap”), the celebration of new rice (“le mung lua con”), and rituals worshiping agricultural gods (“le ha dien”).¹⁹ The most significant festival is the Bon Kate Festival, celebrated in temples in the middle of the tenth lunar month, featuring Cham folk dances performed at temples and towers.¹⁹ Popular musical instruments include the Paranung skin drum, slap drums, and xaranai trumpets, with Cham folk music having influenced ancient Vietnamese folk music.¹⁹

Mosques as Community Hubs

Vietnam is home to 62 mosques, with 17 located in Ho Chi Minh City.¹ An Giang province boasts the largest number, with 12 major mosques and 16 minor mosques.²³ Cham mosques are generally constructed following the traditional architecture of Muslim citadels in Arab countries. Key features include an arc-shaped main entrance, a large two-storied tower on the roof topped with a crescent moon and a star (symbolizing God’s light, wisdom, and guidance), and a spacious prayer courtyard, often with a water tank for purification rituals.²³ The interiors are typically large and spacious, with walls painted in white and light blue, and glossy tile floors, creating a cool and serene atmosphere. Notably, there are no altars or images of gods or saints inside.²³ At one end of the cathedral, there is a chamber for spiritual dignitaries to host ceremonies and a “minbar” where teachers deliver lectures during the weekly Friday ceremony.²³ Mosques serve as central hubs for the Muslim community, not only for daily prayers and important religious ceremonies but also for community activities, teaching the Cham language, and reading the Qur’an.²³ Cemeteries for deceased Muslims are frequently located around the main mosque.²³

Table 3: Comparison of Bani Islam and Orthodox Sunni Islam in Vietnam

Navigating the Landscape: Challenges Faced by Muslims in Vietnam

Muslims in Vietnam, like other religious minorities, navigate a complex landscape marked by both official recognition and practical restrictions on religious freedom, alongside socio-economic and cultural challenges.

Religious Freedom and Government Oversight

While Vietnam’s constitution officially provides for freedom of religion, in practice, the government imposes a range of legislative measures restricting religious practice, such as registration requirements, control boards, and surveillance.²⁸ All religious groups must register and seek approval from the government.²⁸ The Law on Belief and Religion (LBR) and its implementing Decree 162 (to be replaced by Decree 95 in March 2024) outline a multistage registration and recognition process for religious groups, requiring decisions at each stage.¹² These laws include vague provisions that permit restrictions on religious freedom in the stated interest of national security and social unity, enabling local officials to make arbitrary decisions on registration and recognition of new religious groups or places of worship.¹²

Many religious groups, including those with large numbers of ethnic minorities, continue to report difficulties with registration, particularly for new religious movements.¹² Government agencies sometimes do not respond to registration applications or approval requests within the stipulated time, or do not specify reasons for refusals as required by law.¹² Some local authorities reportedly request documents beyond legal requirements or solicit bribes for approvals.¹² The law requires an unregistered religious group to have legal premises to register a “meeting point,” but many religious leaders state they cannot obtain such certificates because unregistered groups cannot buy or rent property.¹² There have been reports of authorities intervening with property owners or notary offices to prevent unregistered religious groups from securing legal premises.¹² These government policies and their implementation create a challenging environment for religious groups, including Muslims, by introducing bureaucratic hurdles and potential arbitrary decisions that can hinder the establishment and expansion of religious activities and infrastructure. The government’s emphasis on control, despite constitutional guarantees, means that religious communities must constantly navigate a system that can limit their autonomy and expression.

Educational Disparities and Cultural Barriers

Cham Muslims, as both an ethnic and religious minority group, face unique challenges within Vietnam’s educational system, leading to unsatisfactory school attainment and success.²⁹ The 2019 Census revealed that only 4.2% of the Cham population hold a university degree or higher, significantly lower than the national average of 9.3%.³⁰ Some studies paint an even bleaker picture, indicating an average educational attainment of just 3.41 years for individuals aged 15 and over.³⁰ This educational disparity has persisted and even increased over time at post-primary levels for ethnic minority students.³⁰

A primary obstacle is the economic hardship faced by Cham Muslim families, where financial pressure intensifies at higher educational levels, contributing to high dropout rates.³⁰ Language proficiency also poses a significant barrier, especially in natural and social sciences, hindering comprehension and increasing dropout risk.³⁰ Cultural mismatches in curriculum, teaching methods, and classroom interactions further impede educational outcomes, as standardized materials may not resonate with the cultural and geographical experiences of ethnic minority students.³⁰ Geographical distance to schools in mountainous areas also contributes to students’ difficulties in maintaining their studies.³⁰

Religious minority students, including Muslims, face additional challenges in public education settings, often experiencing discrimination, teasing, and a lack of support from teachers regarding their religious beliefs and practices.³⁰ Muslim students, in particular, may encounter difficulties due to adherence to religious customs, such as wearing hijab or observing halal dietary practices.³⁰ The educational landscape for Cham Muslims is further complicated by the fact that school attendance is not always compulsory, and children are often needed for labor in fields and at home, leading to poor education levels among most members of the community.¹ The educational disparities and cultural barriers faced by Cham Muslims highlight that education is not merely an academic pursuit but a critical pathway for upward mobility and community development. The current challenges in accessing and succeeding in formal education directly impact the socio-economic standing of the Muslim community, limiting their opportunities for advancement and perpetuating cycles of poverty. Addressing these systemic issues is crucial for the future empowerment of Vietnamese Muslims.

Socio-Economic Conditions

The Muslim community in Vietnam has historically struggled economically, which has affected their ability to learn and practice their religion and maintain their communities.¹⁰ Despite generally good integration and mutual respect between Muslim communities and Vietnamese society, the socialist state has not provided significant financial subsidies to support Cham Muslim communities and their activities.¹⁰ Consequently, they have often relied on financial support from other Muslim communities in neighboring countries to build mosques, religious schools, and places of worship.¹⁰

The 2019 national census on ethnic minorities revealed that the Cham had one of the lowest percentages of participation in the labor force (75.1%) and in simple jobs like agriculture, forestry, and maritime product industry (49.7%), compared to other ethnic minorities.¹⁷ This indicates a diversification of work but also potential economic vulnerability. In southern parts of Vietnam, Cham Muslim communities are mainly involved in fishing, weaving, and small trade, unlike their counterparts in the north and central regions who are usually farmers.⁴ The economic struggles and reliance on external support underscore the need for targeted development initiatives within the Muslim community. Improving socio-economic conditions would not only enhance their quality of life but also strengthen their capacity for religious and cultural preservation, reducing dependency and fostering greater self-sufficiency.

Internal Dynamics and Identity Debates

The discourse on Cham Bani religious identity in Vietnam is complex and has evolved over time, shaped by both internal community perspectives and external governmental classifications, as well as historical scholarly interpretations.²⁴ Historically, Cham Bani were often described as a heterodox and syncretic version of Islam, influenced by “isolation” and contact with Hindu Cham.²⁴ However, contemporary scholarship argues for a more nuanced interpretation, emphasizing that assertions of orthopraxy and heteropraxy shape ongoing debates within Cham communities.²⁴

A significant incident in 2017 highlighted these tensions when new government identity cards began to classify Cham Bani as “Đạo Hồi” (Islam) instead of “Bà Ni”.²⁴ This sparked formal complaints from the Council of Bani Clerics, who argued that “Đạo Hồi” misrepresented their traditional culture and beliefs, asserting that “Hồi giáo” and “Bà Ni” were entirely different, despite Bani originating from Hồi giáo but being localized.²⁴ This change was attributed to a government dispatch recognizing only 13 state-recognized religions, with “Bà Ni” not being a major religion.²⁴ While local officials later attempted to correct the IDs, the broader trend in Vietnamese administration has been to group Cam Islam and Cham Bani as two parts of the same community, exacerbating the perception of inaccurate registration.²⁴ Some government publications have even compared Ramâwan (Cham Bani’s most important ceremony) to the Vietnamese Lunar New Year, which local community members object to, as these holidays have their own distinct meanings and they reject further Vietnamization of their traditions.²⁴ As of 2019, the ID card incident was potentially resolved with “Bani” being registered as a category of “religion,” with a plan to remove religious identification from ID cards entirely.²⁴

Many Cham Bani individuals, especially women, accept “Hồi giáo” but not “Muslim” or “Islam” as terms for their identity, reflecting a nuanced understanding where “Hồi giáo” is seen as a “polythetic class” with shared but not all properties with broader Muslim groups.²⁴ Cham Bani communities emphasize “Cham particularism,” meaning that “being Cham” is an integral part of their religious identity, practice, and language.²⁴ They assert that their practices, such as Mbeng Muk Kei ceremonies (feasts of the ancestors) and

yang veneration, are justified by their own orthopraxy of adat Cam (ethical practices of the Cham community).²⁴ This distinguishes them from other Cham religious communities, particularly the Cam Asulam (Shafi’i Sunni Muslims), whom some Cham Bani accuse of having “abandoned their ancestors”.²⁴ Debates within the community often emphasize

proper behavior, ritual, and practice (praxis) rather than matters of belief or doctrine.²⁴ The pervasive global climate of Islamophobia since the 2000s has also influenced some Bani to emphasize their distinctiveness as a means of pre-emptive self-defense against outside criticism, stressing the “flexibility” and “kindness” of their community and assuring they are “never violent”.²⁴ These internal dynamics and identity debates highlight the ongoing negotiation between cultural preservation and religious adherence. The government’s attempts at categorization, while perhaps intended for administrative clarity, can inadvertently exacerbate tensions by imposing external definitions that clash with deeply held community self-perceptions. This underscores the need for nuanced understanding and respect for diverse expressions of faith within Vietnam.

The Future Horizon: Opportunities and Development

Despite the challenges, the Muslim community in Vietnam is poised for growth and development, driven by global trends, internal initiatives, and a commitment to cultural and religious preservation.

Growing Halal Economy and Tourism

Halal tourism presents a promising opportunity for Vietnam, driven by rising global Muslim travel demand. The global Halal tourism market was valued at approximately 266 billion USD in 2023, with projections to reach 276 billion USD in 2024 and soar to 350 billion USD by 2030.⁸ Vietnam has recognized this potential, with the Prime Minister approving a national strategy on February 14, 2023, titled “Enhancing international cooperation to develop Vietnam’s Halal industry by 2030”.⁸ In 2024, the country launched the Vietnam Halal Certification Authority (HALCERT) and introduced national standards for Halal-related products and services.⁸ Promotional campaigns have also been increased to attract Muslim travelers.⁸

However, Vietnam still faces challenges in meeting the unique cultural and religious needs of Muslim visitors.⁸ Specific criteria for Muslim-friendly tourism include Halal-certified food, prayer facilities, services tailored to Ramadan, privacy in entertainment (such as gender-separated areas), and family-oriented tour options.⁸ Food is noted as one of the biggest challenges, as Vietnamese cuisine, while delicious, must meet Halal standards for Muslim travelers.⁸ The development of Halal tourism is not just about following a trend; it is a sustainable growth strategy that opens doors to the wider Muslim world.⁸ Success begins with cultural awareness.⁸ Muslim tourists expect respect, welcome, and their needs for food, prayer, and religious activities to be met.⁸ When these needs are met, Muslim tourists respond with warmth and support for the local community.⁸

Hanoi is taking a leading role in this initiative, with the Hanoi Department of Tourism developing a strategic roadmap to become a Muslim-friendly destination.⁸ By 2030, Hanoi aims to establish a comprehensive Halal tourism ecosystem, starting with designated Muslim-friendly zones in central districts.⁸ Targets include having at least 10 to 20 Halal-certified hotels and ensuring that 30% of restaurants in central areas can serve Halal food.⁸ The city is also investing in training programs for tourism businesses in partnership with international organizations and academic institutions to build a workforce equipped to serve Muslim travelers.⁸ The Hanoi College of Commerce and Tourism recently launched the Halal Training Center, offering basic and advanced Halal courses aligned with national standard TCVN 14230:2024 on Muslim-friendly tourism.⁸ The school has also signed strategic cooperation agreements to provide hands-on training, develop Halal-standard products and services, and jointly promote Vietnamese tourism to the global Muslim community.⁸ This proactive approach to Halal tourism represents a significant opportunity for the Muslim community in Vietnam. By catering to the specific needs of Muslim travelers, the country can not only boost its tourism economy but also foster greater understanding and integration of its Muslim minority. This development could lead to increased economic opportunities, improved infrastructure for Muslim residents, and a greater visibility and acceptance of Islamic practices within Vietnamese society.

Community Development Initiatives

The Muslim community in Vietnam is actively engaged in various development initiatives, often with support from international partners. The Cham Muslim community’s international relations have diversified and expanded as Vietnam intensifies its integration with the world.¹⁷ These connections have facilitated financial aid from international Islamic organizations and donations from Muslim tourists, which have, for instance, enhanced the teaching of English for Cham Muslim children.¹⁷

In Ho Chi Minh City, the Representative Board of the city’s Muslim Community and the Management Board of Mosques and Minor Mosques have undertaken numerous activities to share, care for, and support each other.³⁴ They have also encouraged believers to actively participate in patriotic emulation movements and local construction efforts, contributing to the city’s overall development.³⁴ These efforts demonstrate the community’s commitment to both internal welfare and broader societal contribution.

Halal Academy Vietnam (HAV) offers a Social Welfare Support Fund, rooted in the Islamic emphasis on charity and voluntary work.³⁵ This fund aims to provide timely support to vulnerable and disadvantaged groups, including medical assistance, educational support for orphans, salary support for Ustazs (Islamic teachers) in difficult circumstances, livelihood tools for disabled people, assistance for new converts to Islam, providing meals for vulnerable people during Ramadan, building mosques and schools, and constructing homes for the poor.³⁵ HAV also inspects, assesses, and issues Halal certifications with global recognition for products exported to the Islamic world, supporting Vietnamese businesses in accessing international Halal markets.³⁵ These initiatives reflect a growing internal capacity and external support for the Muslim community’s welfare and economic participation.

Interfaith Relations and Social Cohesion

Interfaith interaction plays a significant role in fostering social cohesion in Vietnam by promoting mutual understanding, reducing prejudices, and enhancing tolerance among different religious groups.³⁶ In a pluralistic society like Vietnam, interfaith interaction is invaluable in bridging divides based on religious identity.³⁶ Studies indicate that communities with active interfaith dialogue exhibit higher levels of social cohesion, as it helps reduce misunderstandings and negate stereotypes.³⁶ Events that promote mutual respect among different religious groups, such as joint religious festivals, interfaith charity activities, and government-initiated dialogue platforms, are critical in Vietnam’s cities where various religious communities often live in close proximity.³⁶ These interactions create conditions for direct contact, which, according to the contact hypothesis, helps reduce prejudice and stereotyping.³⁶ Through education and interaction, people develop greater respect and understanding of each other’s faiths, thereby diminishing fear and instilling trust.³⁶

Collaboration among faiths on social welfare issues, such as disaster relief or poverty alleviation projects, further illustrates how interfaith interactions reinforce social cohesion in Vietnam.³⁶ The Vietnamese government has long recognized religious harmony as a vital area of national unity, integrating it into policy frameworks.³⁶ The positive effect of interfaith interaction on social cohesion is statistically supported.³⁶ This highlights the importance of dialogue and coexistence between religious groups in fostering mutual trust and reducing prejudices. The government’s emphasis on interfaith dialogue and inclusivity has succeeded in mitigating risks that might arise from religious diversity.³⁶ This commitment to interfaith dialogue and social cohesion is crucial for the long-term stability and integration of the Muslim community within Vietnam. By fostering mutual respect and understanding, it creates an environment where religious minorities can thrive and contribute to national development without fear of discrimination, reinforcing the idea that religious diversity can be a source of strength.

Islamic Education and Youth Programs

Islamic education is gaining renewed focus within the Vietnamese Muslim community, often with international support. Historically, isolation and a lack of religious schools caused the practice of Islam in Vietnam to become increasingly affected by local traditions.¹⁰ However, a new wave of migration is seeing Vietnamese Muslim students being sent to universities abroad, particularly in Malaysia, for Islamic studies as well as secular subjects like computer science, forestry, food technology, and engineering.¹⁰ These younger generations are expected to replace older Muslim leaders who may lack proper Islamic education.¹⁷ When studying abroad, students often choose Islamic nations where they can easily find Halal foods, mosques for daily rituals, and support from local Muslims.¹⁷ In 2019, 29 children were sent to Malaysia for Islamic studies with shared costs between Malaysian organizations and Cham families, and by December 2019, 44 Cham Muslims had gone overseas for education, with 15 receiving sponsorships.¹⁷

Halal Academy Vietnam, in collaboration with the Representative Islamic Community of Ho Chi Minh City, conducts basic knowledge classes about Islam for Muslims.³⁵ Their teaching program includes the Quran, the Sunnah and Hadith of Prophet Muhammad, Belief (Aqeedah), Islamic Law (Fiqh), basic foundations of Islam (Usul al-Din), the Islamic worldview, the biography of the Prophet Muhammad (Seerah), and good character and manners.³⁵ Islam places great emphasis on the pursuit of knowledge as a means of strengthening faith, enhancing personal growth, and contributing positively to society, encouraging Muslims to seek knowledge in all areas of life, not just religious studies.³⁵ This includes fields such as science, medicine, technology, social studies, and humanitarian studies.³⁵ Halal Academy Vietnam also offers Halal training courses for individuals and companies, with a team of experienced experts, lecturers, and advisors.³⁵

While there are global youth programs like the Middle East Youth Summit (MEYS) in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, which is open to Muslim youth worldwide and aims to enhance Islamic leadership values and build global connections ³⁸, specific large-scale youth programs solely focused on Vietnamese Muslim youth within Vietnam are not extensively detailed in the provided information. However, the emphasis on sending youth abroad for education and the establishment of local Islamic education centers like Halal Academy Vietnam indicate a growing recognition of the importance of nurturing the next generation of Muslim leaders and community members with strong Islamic knowledge and contemporary skills. This focus on education and youth development is a crucial investment in the future of the Muslim community in Vietnam. By equipping younger generations with both religious and secular knowledge, the community is building its capacity for self-reliance, leadership, and effective engagement with the broader society, ensuring the continuity and vitality of Islamic traditions in Vietnam.

Conclusion

The journey of Islam in Vietnam is a compelling narrative of resilience, adaptation, and ongoing development. From its early introduction by Arab and Persian traders to its deep intertwining with the Cham people’s identity, Islam has carved a unique niche in a predominantly non-Muslim nation. The pivotal fall of the Champa Kingdom in 1471 and the subsequent Cham diaspora served as a catalyst, leading to widespread conversion, particularly influenced by Malay communities. This historical trajectory gave rise to two distinct Islamic traditions: the deeply indigenized Bani Islam, marked by its unique syncretic practices and matriarchal cultural influences, and the more orthodox Sunni Islam, which maintains strong connections with the global Muslim world. The co-existence of these two forms highlights the adaptive nature of faith in diverse cultural contexts, where local traditions profoundly shape religious expression.

Today, the Muslim population, though a small minority, shows subtle growth and increasing ethnic diversity beyond its traditional Cham base. Concentrated primarily in Southern and South-Central Vietnam, these communities are actively engaged in preserving their faith and culture, often through international partnerships and local initiatives. However, significant challenges persist, including government oversight on religious freedom, educational disparities, and socio-economic hurdles that impact access to opportunities. The ongoing debates surrounding religious identity, particularly for Bani Muslims, underscore the complexities of navigating cultural preservation within a modernizing state.

Looking ahead, Vietnam’s strategic embrace of the Halal economy and Halal tourism presents a significant opportunity for the Muslim community. These initiatives promise not only economic growth but also increased visibility, cultural understanding, and improved infrastructure that caters to Muslim needs. Coupled with internal community development projects, a growing focus on Islamic education, and the fostering of interfaith relations, the future of Islam in Vietnam appears to be one of continued integration and development. The commitment to nurturing the next generation through both religious and secular education is crucial for empowering Vietnamese Muslims to contribute meaningfully to national progress while upholding their distinct faith and heritage. The trajectory suggests a future where Islam, though a minority faith, continues to be a vibrant and respected thread in Vietnam’s rich cultural tapestry.

Author: IslamicHelper